https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6635.html This article analyzes the discourse of struggle in the pre-revolutionary statements of Ayatollah Hashemi Rafsanjani between 1337 and 1357 (1958–1978). By integrating three methodological frameworks—sociology of knowledge, qualitative content analysis (based on Yin-Yang and Shannon’s theories), and Norman Fairclough’s critical discourse analysis—the findings reveal that Rafsanjani’s discourse was structured around dual oppositions: “imperialism versus independence,” “despotism versus constitutionalism,” and “Marxism versus Islam.” This discourse evolved in two phases: from 1337–1344, it took the form of ideological and cultural critique; from 1344–1357, it shifted toward organized political activism through collaboration with intellectuals, students, religious activists, and armed resistance groups. While critiquing the Pahlavi regime as an instrument of imperialism, Rafsanjani positioned the clergy as the driving force of resistance and emphasized cultural struggle as the core of opposition—reserving armed struggle only as a last resort under necessity. The findings demonstrate that this discourse was not merely ideological but functioned as a pragmatic, strategic framework for social transformation. It dialectically interacted with historical conditions and power structures to shape Rafsanjani’s political-resistance identity. By addressing significant gaps in existing literature, this study offers a comprehensive and nuanced account of the evolution of Rafsanjani’s pre-revolutionary discourse. . . . . . . . . https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6636.html This study aims to analyze the concept of equality in the thought of Ayatollah Khamenei, with a particular focus on the rights of religious minorities in the Islamic Republic of Iran. The central research question is: What dimensions does the Supreme Leader’s understanding of equality encompass within the framework of religious minority rights, and how is it articulated? Methodology: The research employs a mixed-methods qualitative–quantitative content analysis approach, structured according to T. H. Marshall’s theoretical framework of citizenship across three domains: civil, political, and social rights. The statistical population consists of Ayatollah Khamenei’s speeches, statements, and written communications from 1994 to 2025 (1373–1403 SH). Purposive sampling was applied, selecting only those documents that explicitly or implicitly address the concepts of “equality,” “religious minority,” “citizenship rights,” and “social justice.” A total of 47 documents were analyzed, with 1,693 relevant coded textual units extracted. Findings: The findings indicate that: (1) Equality, in Ayatollah Khamenei’s view, is rooted in the inherent dignity of human beings and grounded in Quranic and hadith-based teachings; (2) Upholding the rights of religious minorities is not only a religious obligation but also a societal necessity essential for national stability, unity, and collective security; and (3) Religious minorities in the Islamic Republic of Iran genuinely enjoy political and civil rights—including active participation in the Iran-Iraq War, parliamentary representation, and the right to swear oaths on their own sacred texts. Furthermore, Ayatollah Khamenei considers respect for religious rituals, freedom of belief, and the creation of a culturally secure environment as fundamental rights for minorities, albeit conditioned upon loyalty to the Islamic system. Conclusion: The study demonstrates that Ayatollah Khamenei regards the rights of religious minorities as an inseparable component of social justice. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6637.html Aim: the aim of this paper is to explain the quranic view of imam khamenei about the frameworks of freedom of expression in order to provide context for formulation of the quranic pattern of freedom of speech .research methodology : this study has been done by using descriptive - analytical method and by applying thematic interpretation , the question of the society and to find answer , is asked by the holy quran .research findings: although the freedom of expression in the holy quran is considered as a fundamental human rights , it has always some criteria which are based on the divine values , social and reality materials and is not a tool for insult , distortion and disruption in moral and social security . the development of extremist reads of freedom of expression in contemporary intellectual and media space shows the necessity of explaining criteria and limits of freedom of expression based on quranic foundations .conclusion : the quranic reading of ayatollah khamenei is based on the freedom of expression , which has a rule and aim and is based on responsibility in this reading , freedom of expression as the quranic principle has a five - sided framework that is adherence to truth , morality , social comfort , public interests of the society and islamic purposes . from this point of view , freedom of expression with the aim of reform and by observing moral standards , is bound to observe the limits of god , rational and rational rules and materials of islamic society . in this framework , the expression of the winner , gossip , insulting , mocking , and cases causing corruption and personal or social deterioration are excluded . https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6639.html Objective: The aim of this research is to examine the role of religious bodies as a factor in producing and strengthening social capital in the process of the victory of the Islamic Revolution of Iran. Religious bodies, as one of the sources of social capital, have a special place in promoting religious symbols and rituals among Shiites.Research methodology: This research, using the method of documentary analysis and using library and documentary tools, seeks to answer this main question: "What was the role of religious bodies in producing and strengthening social capital in the process of the Islamic Revolution?"Findings: Using a combination of social capital theories (Bourdieu, Putnam, Coleman) and resource mobilization theory (Tilly), it shows that religious bodies were a dynamic platform for creating mutual trust, reproducing revolutionary values ​​and norms, and creating a common political culture. The findings of the study show that religious bodies, relying on their popular and religious capacities, were able to create coherent networks through their gatherings and ceremonies and increase the organization and participation of the masses of the people in the revolutionary process. These institutions, by utilizing cultural and religious elements, strengthened revolutionary motivations and beliefs and were effective in forming people's identity and participation through revolutionary networking, political and social participation, and promoting Islamic ethics and values. Conclusion: Holding religious bodies' ceremonies led to strengthening religious, belief, and identity values, norms among different segments of society and created widespread social trust among them, and ultimately led to the mobilization of large masses of people against the Pahlavi government. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6640.html Introduction: Urban space, beyond its physical structures, represents a living cultural and political text. In this context, urban art functions as a powerful medium that transcends beautification and serves as an instrument for expressing ideologies, ideals, and shaping collective identity. The Islamic Revolution of Iran, as one of the most significant transformations of the twentieth century, brought about profound changes across all aspects of society, including urban art. This study aims to examine the role of murals within the discourse of the Islamic Revolution and to explain how they contributed to shaping urban identity and redefining public aesthetics around Islamic values.Methodology: This research adopts a qualitative approach, employing visual content analysis and visual discourse analysis to investigate prominent mural samples in Tehran.Findings: The analysis reveals that post-revolutionary murals reflect new themes, symbols, and aesthetic principles which, with an emphasis on Islamic concepts, created a novel visual identity for the city. Beyond their artistic dimension, these works served as an effective tool for promoting revolutionary ideologies and narratives. By intertwining elements of art, religion, nationalism, and politics, they contributed to the representation of revolutionary values within urban space.Conclusion: Murals in post-revolutionary Iran not only reinforced the revolutionary discourse but also introduced a new definition of beauty and identity in public spaces. This reflects the complex interaction between art, ideology, and the urban environment, highlighting the pivotal role of urban art in redefining both urban identity and aesthetics. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6641.html The Islamic Revolution of Iran is one of the unique historical and social phenomena of the twentieth century, which was victorious in 1979 under the leadership of Imam Khomeini and established a political system based on the principles of Shiite Islam. This revolution, beyond a mere change of political regime, is considered a turning point in contemporary political philosophy that presented a new theoretical and practical framework by linking the elements of monotheism, guardianship, anthropology, and justice. Based on the philosophical framework of the Four Causes, the revolution has a material cause , a formal cause (the formation of an Islamic nation-state system based on guardianship), an active cause (the leadership of Imam Khomeini and popular support), and an ultimate cause (the realization of worldly and otherworldly happiness). Also, Islam in this structure has two fixed and variable parts that maintain the fixed principles of the philosophical foundations of the revolution, and variable mechanisms provide the basis for adaptation and dynamism. The Islamic Revolution has been explained as a multi-stage historical process from the Islamic movement to Islamic civilization, which is a mirror of independence, justice, and the rejection of tyranny. As a cultural, social, and political transformation based on the political philosophy of Islam, this revolution offers a new framework for understanding revolutions and has inspired Islamic movements in the world. The present article, with a theoretical and synthetic approach, recognizes the philosophical and structural formulation of the Islamic Revolution and shows how the coherence of the theoretical foundations of the revolution has paved the way for its continuity and impact in the domestic and international arenas. This analysis examines the theoretical, philosophical, and historical dimensions of the revolution in an integrated manner and provides new horizons for future research in the field of religious and political revolutions. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6642.html The relationship between mysticism and politics in the Islamic tradition has been a relatively underexplored topic. Mir Sayyid Ali Hamadani, a prominent mystic and thinker of the eighth century AH, was among the few figures who sought to integrate spirituality with social administration and governance. Although numerous studies have addressed the mystical and ethical dimensions of his works, the political aspect of Hamadani’s thought has received less systematic attention. This study, guided by the central question “What is the position of political mysticism in Mir Sayyid Ali Hamadani’s thought, and what model of ideal governance does he propose?”, examines the components of political mysticism and the theoretical foundations of ethical governance in his works. The research adopts a qualitative approach, analyzing Hamadani’s key texts—Dakhira al-Muluk and Sab‘in—supplemented by historical sources and contemporary studies. Findings indicate that Hamadani views politics as a continuation of divine-oriented spiritual practice, portraying the ruler as a “responsible seeker and trustee of the people.” In his view, ideal governance is an ethical and spiritual institution whose objectives include the realization of social justice, promotion of welfare and security, development of the land, enhancement of moral virtues, and strengthening of social cohesion. In Hamadani’s thought, mysticism is not merely an individual experience but the foundation of legitimacy, balance, and sustainability of governance. Revisiting this model in contemporary times can inspire the design of ethical, justice-oriented, and development-focused governance systems. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6638.html Abstract:Objective: This study uses a comparative approach to examine the strategies of the Shiite clergy in two important events in contemporary Iranian history, namely the Constitutional Revolution (1285 AH) and the Islamic Revolution (1357 AH), and focuses on the role and position of seminaries and the analysis of their strengths and weaknesses at each stage. The main objective is to identify the strategic changes of the clergy and explain the factors affecting the difference in their role in these two revolutions.Methodology: The present study was conducted using the SWOT analytical model and a descriptive-analytical approach. Data were collected through historical sources and documentary studies and then analyzed by separating the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats of the clergy at each historical stage.Findings: The results showed that in the Constitutional Revolution, the clergy, despite its initial impact, was marginalized due to weak internal cohesion and political developments after the victory. In the Islamic Revolution, through centralized leadership, coherent ideology, and the use of modern communication tools, the clergy succeeded in guiding the course of the revolution and establishing a political structure based on the guardianship of the jurist.Conclusion: The difference in the level of influence of the seminaries, the type of religious leadership, and the socio-intellectual conditions of each period were key factors in the differences in the strategies of the clergy between the two revolutions. This analysis can be effective in better understanding the role of the clergy in contemporary political developments and in formulating future strategies for the seminaries.Keywords: Clergy, Constitutional Revolution, Islamic Revolution, Strategy, SWAT Analysis https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6474.html Objective: This study aims to decode the multidimensional aspects of Imam Khomeini’s (RA) personality through a systematic analysis of his body language. Methodology: This research adopts a mixed qualitative–quantitative approach, using content analysis of visual sources (films and photographs) and written sources (memoirs). The theoretical framework combines Weber’s theory of charisma, Birdwhistell’s kinesics, Ekman and Friesen’s facial expressions, and Hall’s proxemics. In the quantitative section, 300 selected images were analyzed. Findings:The findings reveal a dynamic system in Imam Khomeini’s (RA) body language with three main patterns. The first is the Jalālī dimension, reflected in a penetrating gaze, emphatic gestures, and an upright posture, representing authority and political decisiveness. The second is the Jamālī dimension, shown through reduced distance, smiling, and physical contact, expressing compassion and intimacy in public interactions. The third is the context of servitude, as the dominant state (55%), manifested through a humble gaze and bodily stillness, providing the spiritual source and balance of the other two dimensions. Conclusion: The results show that Imam Khomeini’s (RA) charisma is not a fixed trait but a contextual and performative process in which spiritual humility is translated into political authority and social compassion. Body language plays a central mediating role and reflects this complex communicative and charismatic leadership process. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6481.html Explanation and analysis of Ayatollah Khamenei's letters to European and American youth. Abstract. Objective: The main objective of the present research is to find out what was the intention and purpose of the Leader of the Islamic Revolution in writing a letter to Western youth? Research Methodology: In this research, and in line with the answer to the main question posed, the authors seek to use the explanatory-exploratory method to understand the purpose and motivation of the Leader of the Islamic Revolution and her reasons for writing a letter to the general youth of Western and North America at this critical time. Findings: The findings of the research show that factors such as the widespread blackening of Islam by Western enemies and leaders, the presentation of a frightening image of Islam as equivalent to terrorism, and the suppression of American university students who have risen up in support of the people of Gaza; prompted the Leader of the Islamic Revolution to convey his message in the form of letters to the general public of Western youth. As a result of the research, it became clear that the Leader of the Revolution, while trying to defend the sanctity of Islam and present a different narrative of Islam compared to the Western narrative, explains the type of politics of the dominators and considers the solution to be reforming the policies of Western countries towards global problems. Finally, while supporting the student uprising, with due regard to the flexibility and free-thinking and truth-seeking spirit of Western youth, refers them to understanding the main sources of Islam and the truths of Islam Keywords: Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Western youth, Islamophobia, system of domination, resistance front. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6510.html Objective: The objective of this study is to analyze the pattern of the “revolutionary seminary” (ḥawza-ye enqelābi) in the thought and practice of Imam Khomeini, and to examine the role of his period of residence in Najaf al-Ashraf and his pilgrimage practices in the holy shrines (ʿAtabāt-e ʿĀliyāt) in the formation and consolidation of this pattern. Research Methodology: The present research adopts an analytical-explanatory approach and draws upon primary sources, including Imam Khomeini’s works, memoirs of his close associates, and reliable historical sources. In this study, qualitative content analysis is employed to examine and extract the core themes of the revolutionary seminary across three levels: structural, discursive, and operational. Findings: Data analysis indicates that Imam Khomeini advanced an integrated model of transformation in Najaf. (a) At the structural level, through educational reform and the struggle against discrimination, he laid the foundations of a flexible and justice-oriented institution. (b) At the discursive level, by reviving the social responsibility of the clergy and theorizing Wilāyat al-Faqih, he transferred the nexus of religion and politics from an abstract domain into the practical sphere of governance. (c) At the functional level, by elevating pilgrimage into a covenant of struggle and a formative pedagogical model, he transformed Shia spiritual capital into a resource for social mobilization and resistance. The analytical innovation of this paper lies in demonstrating the mutually reinforcing interaction among these three levels, thereby moving beyond earlier single-dimensional analyses. Conclusion: The present analysis demonstrates that Imam Khomeini, by initiating simultaneous transformations in the scholarly, political, structural, and spiritual spheres during his time in Najaf, laid the foundations of the “revolutionary seminary”. This integrated model fused committed scholarship, spiritual politics, and popular ethics, providing both a theoretical and practical foundation for the Islamic Revolution. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6526.html Purpose: Since the years before the constitution, many political movements have been formed to solve the backwardness and dependency of the Iranian political system. The justice movement, the constitutional movement, the rise of the Pahlavis, or the movement to nationalize the oil industry were among those responses. However, whether the Pahlavi monarchy itself was the crisis and part of the problem was a matter of dispute among various political and intellectual currents. The Iranian independence movement led by Imam Khomeini sought the main problem in the nature of the Pahlavi monarchy, and considered the solution to other problems to be its elimination and the rise of a popular and Islamic political system. In contrast, Ayatollah Halabi was in agreement with the Pahlavis, and considered the main problem to be the influence and spread of the Baha'i faith. Throughout the 1940s and 1950s, there was intense opposition between the followers of the Imam's movement and the Hojjatiya Association. Research Method: Using the theory and method of Thomas Spriggans, the present study attempts to theoretically organize the stages of problematization, etiology, idealism, and solution-analysis in a comparative analysis in the production of political thought. Findings: According to the research findings, the main contradiction in the political thought produced by the Hojjatiya Association with the Imam's movement is the analysis of the intellect and the observation of disorder at the reduced social level in the 1930s, as opposed to the structural analysis and the feeling of disorder at the macro-political level by the Imam, which led to a deep and consequential gap between his intellectual foundations and subsequent actions with the character of revolutionary Islam. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6530.html Background and Objective: After the establishment of the Islamic Republic, Shiite jurisprudence has faced an unprecedented paradigm shift from “individual jurisprudence” to “governmental jurisprudence.” This shift requires an ijtihad methodology that elevates the unit of analysis from the individual to macrostructures and bases inference on the supreme goals of the Sharia (makkased maqasid). However, the traditional intellectual stream, by denying any objective perspective, has led jurisprudence to become rigid in appearance and ineffective in governance. This research proves that governmental ijtihad in Ayatollah Khamenei’s intellectual system is deeply based on the methodology of “makkased maqasid maqasid.” Methodology: This qualitative research analyzes the Supreme Leader’s key statements in the areas of government (economy, justice, and legislation) using a historical-jurisprudential hermeneutic strategy. Findings: The findings of this study conclusively show that their approach is formulated in three key pillars of macro-jurisprudence: 1. Redefining macro-goals of government (such as justice, progress, increasing national wealth) as a criterion for the validity of a ruling. 2. Strictly separating “fixed goals” from “variable structure” (post-structuralism of jurisprudence). 3. Using macro-goals as a “monitoring filter” to resolve the conflict between apparent rulings and the ends of the system. Conclusion: By reviving the original capacity of goals in Shiite jurisprudence, this ijtihad paradigm not only transforms jurisprudence into an efficient and dynamic tool of governance, but also constitutes a decisive response to retrogression and stagnation in the appearances of texts. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6540.html Objective: In addition to political transformation, the victory of the Islamic Revolution in 1979 also brought about a transformation and leap in social mobility. The aim of the present study is to explain the reciprocal relationship between increasing social mobility and institutionalized political development in Iran after the victory of the Islamic Revolution in the last few decades, emphasizing the mediating role of political parties. The research question is how can the relationship between social mobility and political development in Iran after the Islamic Revolution be analyzed and evaluated? In response, the hypothesis will be examined that the increasing social mobility in Iran after the Islamic Revolution, in the absence of institutionalized political parties, has delayed the process of political development by creating periodic instabilities. Research Methodology: In response to the research question, a descriptive-analytical method based on Samuel Huntington's theoretical foundations (political development and political institutionalization) has been used to explain the management of modernization and social movement. The data collection method is books and articles, statistical yearbooks, and websites related to the subject. Findings: The research findings show that social mobility has led to a greater awareness of society and, as a result, an increase in their demands; however, political parties after the Islamic Revolution are far from Huntington's institutional criteria. Conclusion: The weakness in the institutionalization of political parties has led to a serious weakening of their mediating role in absorbing, moderating, and channeling social demands. This factor has caused challenges in the process of political development, and periodic unrest such as the protests of 2017, 2019, and 2022 have occurred in the absence of institutionalized political parties. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6575.html The Relationship between "Supervision" and "Guardianship" in the Jurisprudential System of Imam Khomeini Abstract Objective: The concept of Velayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Jurist) in Imam Khomeini's thought is so firmly established that, in his view, merely conceiving of it leads to its affirmation. Nevertheless, in his practical conduct, fluctuations are observed regarding the jurist's authority over public affairs, which give rise to the suggestion of "supervisory guardianship" (nezarat) as opposed to "absolute guardianship" (velayat). The aim is to analyze the relationship between these two concepts and to answer the question of whether these fluctuations indicate a jurisprudential shift from supervision to guardianship, or whether these two concepts share a unified meaning within Imam's intellectual system. Methodology: This article, drawing upon library sources, seeks to address each each of the aforementioned issues. Findings: In Imam Khomeini's thought, no jurisprudential shift from supervision to guardianship has occurred, and supervision in his conduct is nothing other than the exercise of velayi (guardianship-based) authority. Furthermore, his change of position regarding the presence of clerics in executive positions also follows from his jurisprudential system. Conclusion: Velayat-e Faqih in Imam Khomeini's view is a unified approach, and "velayat" from his perspective means "velayi supervision." Therefore, his thought has not undergone any fluctuations. The departure from the prohibition of clerics holding governmental positions has also been undertaken based on this same theoretical and jurisprudential consistency. Keywords: Supervision by the Jurist (Nezarat-e Faqih), Guardianship of the Jurist (Wilayat al-Faqih), Clerics in Government, Imam Khomeini. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6580.html Objective: The Islamic Revolution, being one of the most significant socio-political developments of the twentieth century, was shaped by the interaction of "utopia" and "nostalgia." These forces structured the semantic framework of the revolution, challenged existing utopias, and provided motivations for the uprising, as well as legitimacy to the political structure. This research aims to elucidate how the dialectical interaction of utopia and nostalgia influenced the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, resulting in the creation of a revolutionary identity and the mobilization of the masses. Research methodology: The research utilized a descriptive-analytical approach and drew upon Laclau and Mouffe's theoretical framework of discourse analysis. It relied on library resources, historical documents, speeches, and discourse texts related to the revolution. Findings: Utopia, which envisioned a society grounded in Mahdist justice, freedom, and unity of the Islamic nation, propelled social transformation. Nostalgia selectively reconstructed Shiite historical memory, specifically highlighting Alawite justice and the Ashura uprising, thereby legitimizing the revolution. The articulation of these symbols established a revolutionary “us” identity in opposition to the “other.” Conclusion: The discourse of the Islamic Revolution can be viewed as a manifestation of “futuristic nostalgia,” where the sacred past was not merely replicated for a return, but served as an inspirational basis for constructing an ideal future. Nostalgia played a legitimizing role, while utopia spurred and guided revolutionary endeavors. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6610.html Objective: This research aims to examine the components of realism in Imam Khomeini's political thought and analyze the theory of Velayat-e Faqih (Guardianship of the Jurist) in light of the relationship between religious ideals and socio-political realities. The central question is whether Imam Khomeini's political thought can be understood within a realist framework and what the elements of this realism are in the theory of Velayat-e Faqih. Methodology: Using an analytical-descriptive approach and employing Thomas Spragens' "crisis theory" framework, this study analyzes how Imam Khomeini's political thought formed in connection with the crises of his era, social conditions, and the objective needs of society. Findings: Imam Khomeini, through a precise understanding of his time's political and social situation, established a link between fixed Islamic principles and changing exigencies. Velayat-e Faqih is not merely an idealistic scheme but a realistic, practical response to the crisis of legitimacy, political inefficacy, and the need to organize society based on religious values. Key indicators of realism in his thought include: emphasis on content over governmental form, attention to available capacities, the role of time and place in ijtihad (independent juristic reasoning), and avoidance of sheer expediency. Conclusion: Imam Khomeini's political thought embodies a form of religious realism—not deviation from Islamic ideals but their realization within actual social conditions. Within this framework, the theory of Velayat-e Faqih represents a model for balancing religious ideals and political necessity. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6616.html Objective: The eight-year Iran-Iraq War created numerous social and demographic disruptions in the war-affected society. The negative effects of the war on this segment of migrant life, who were forcibly resettled in new environments, manifested as maladaptation and conflict. This maladaptation stemmed from the migrants’ ethnic-cultural background and, in some cases, other factors such as precarious economic conditions, housing, and psychological distress, which were more pronounced at the destination and in turn contributed to petty crime, theft, prostitution, and ultimately marginalization in urban areas. Building on this issue, the present study aims to examine the condition of war migrants across various regions of Iran, with a focus on Tehran, Khuzestan, and Fars, and to analyze the social-demographic challenges arising from forced relocations during the war. Methodology: This study adopts a descriptive-analytical approach and relies on library sources to assess the status of war migrants in Iran. To address the topic, it employs a social perspective on functionalist and conflict theories, particularly the Ort. C. Lee theory, to contextualize the situation of migrants at the origin and destination of migration. Findings: The findings indicate that many migrant households continued to live in suboptimal conditions for decades after the war, with residence in marginalized, low-interaction neighborhoods, and limited integration with the host society, which exacerbated maladaptation and led to crime, theft, and marginalization in certain areas. Conclusion: The financial status and type of accommodation of immigrants in Iranian cities have played a fundamental role in their adaptation to the destination. Among them, the role of the government and government institutions and the availability of facilities at the destination are important, and the presence of economic facilities has had a great impact on the adaptation of immigrants. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6676.html Objective: This study aimed to design a school management model to counter soft cultural threats in cyberspace, grounded in the principles of the Islamic Revolution. The core issue is the inefficiency of traditional management structures in neutralizing threats such as the promotion of Western lifestyles, secularism, and the weakening of students’ religious beliefs, which leads to cultural gaps and the erosion of Islamic-revolutionary identity. Method: A mixed-methods research design (qualitative-quantitative) based on an exploratory sequential approach was employed. In the qualitative phase, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 20 high school principals and educational deputies in Hamadan Province to extract their perspectives. In the quantitative phase, the model’s validity and effectiveness were assessed using a standardized questionnaire administered to 150 principals and educational deputies. Findings: The results indicated that managers tend to favor reactive approaches and content control. However, the “active doctrine” (producing alternative discourses and strengthening media literacy; β=0.57) was the strongest predictor of the model’s success. Furthermore, the value-based foundations of the Islamic Revolution (monotheism, justice, independence, and religious democracy; β=0.49) and modern management theories (transformational leadership, learning organizations, knowledge management; β=0.32) played pivotal and instrumental roles in strengthening the model. Conclusion: The proposed model transforms schools into active hubs of cultural and educational resistance by integrating three pillars: value-based foundations, modern theories, and an active doctrine. By bridging the theory-practice gap, it offers practical solutions for strengthening Islamic-revolutionary identity and implementing jihadi management in cyberspace. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6683.html The present study aims to explain and analyze the strategic themes embedded in the messages and positions of the Supreme Leader of the Islamic Revolution, Ayatollah Seyed Mojtaba Khamenei, concerning the redefinition of the security order in West Asia and to examine the relationship between resistance, active deterrence, the decline of American hegemony, and the emergence of a new regional order. The significance of this issue lies in the recent developments in West Asia, particularly the Third Imposed War launched by the United States and the Zionist regime against the Islamic Republic of Iran, the developments in the Persian Gulf, and the increasing strategic importance of the Strait of Hormuz The findings demonstrate that the examined discourse can be conceptualized through overarching themes such as “the new regional order and the decline of American hegemony,” “regional resistance and active deterrence,” “resistance-oriented identity and the model of Strong Iran,” “transforming threats into opportunities and social mobilization,” “resistance economy and hybrid warfare,” and “national unity and social cohesion.” Within this framework, the United States and the Zionist regime are represented as the primary sources of regional instability, whereas resistance, national solidarity, Iran’s geopolitical capacities, and indigenous deterrence are highlighted as the principal pillars of the emerging regional order. The study concludes that this discourse does not merely describe regional developments; rather, it offers a normative and strategic framework for redefining https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6685.html The desire for a parliament was the most prominent demand of the Iranian constitutionalists. So far, no other institution has been able to realize the will of the nation in the political arena, support national sovereignty, advance democracy, and defend the rights of the nation as much as the parliament. After the victory of the Islamic Revolution, the parliament continued to maintain its position. Therefore, the importance of the parliament as the highest legislative institution and the summary of the nation's virtues necessitates the need for serious attention and scrutiny and examination of the positions of the representatives of the Islamic Consultative Assembly regarding studies related to the imposed war on Iran by Iraq. Objective: To analyze the political positions of the representatives of the third term of the Islamic Consultative Assembly regarding the war on Iran by Iraq Research methodology: The method used in this study is content analysis based on documentary studies. The research, based on the detailed discussions of the third term of the Islamic Consultative Assembly, seeks to answer the question: What were the political positions of the representatives of the third term of the Islamic Consultative Assembly regarding the imposed war on Iran by Iraq? Findings/Conclusion: The findings of the article show that as the war escalated and Imam Khomeini agreed to accept the resolution, the members of the parliament, who had previously called for the war to continue, began to call for peace based on Imam Khomeini. The Imam still considered America to be Iran's main enemy, and in this regard, they called for naming November 13 as the day to fight global arrogance. https://rjir.basu.ac.ir/article_6706.html Purpose: The present study aims to explain the “model of indigenous modernity in Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei’s civilization-building project.” The main issue is how, within the framework of the thought of the Martyr Leader of the Islamic Revolution, an alternative model of modernity can be presented that, while benefiting from the achievements of rationality and modern science, is compatible with Iran’s religious and cultural foundations. Research Methodology: The research method is analytical-descriptive, with an interpretative approach and based on documentary study. An attempt has been made to examine the conceptual and epistemological structure of the indigenous modernization model in his view by examining the statements and works of Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei. Findings: The research findings show that in the civilization-building project proposed in Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei's thought, indigenous modernity is based on three fundamental structures: religious rationality, criticism of Western modernity along with designing an Islamic-Iranian progress model, and realistic idealism. Six key characteristics form the operational structure of this model: spirituality-orientation, justice-seeking, science-orientation, independence-seeking, religious democracy, and preservation of national identity. Conclusion: This article shows that the indigenous modernization model in Ayatollah Seyyed Ali Khamenei's thought is an attempt to present a comprehensive model of civilizational development that simultaneously emphasizes the connection between ethics, justice, and science and enables the transition from Western modernity to the realization of a new Islamic civilization. Keywords Islamic Civilization, Indigenous Modernity, Religious Rationality, Islamic-Iranian Progress, Realistic Idealism, Justice-Seeking.